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The Crusader period
(by Teresa Petrozzi - translated by Raphael Bonanno ofm)
We
know from William of Tyre that Tancred, as soon as he was nominated prince of
the Galilee, rushed to restore the churches of Nazareth, Tiberias and Tabor,
with rich endowments. In 1102 Saewulf noted that on top of the mountain there "
still remained three ancient monasteries, one in honor of our Lord Jesus
Christ, another in honor of Moses and a third, a little further away, in honor
of Elijah".
The scholars ask whether Tancred founded an abbey and entrusted it to the
Benedictines, or did he restore an already existing abbey. In other words, they
ask whether the religious who occupied Tabor at the beginning of the First
Crusade were all Benedictines or did they even belong to an eastern order. A
document of 1101 seems to support the first hypothesis: in this case it says
that Tancred asked the Abbot Gerard of the Church of the Holy Savior on Mt.
Tabor when the abbey had taken possession in the past, quae antiquitus
possederat. With all probability the possessions of the Benedictines had
been confiscated after the Crusade of Zimisce. It is a fact that in 1101 the
Benedictines were on Tabor. Another question that the scholars have tried to
answer is on the time when the Benedictines of Tabor had accepted the Rule of
Cluny. Some hold it was before 1101; others think it was in 1130. These authors
of the latter opinion base themselves on the information in a letter sent by
Peter the Venerable, elected the ninth abbot of Cluny, in 1122, to the abbot of
Tabor, also with the name of Peter, in which the writer is happy to have
learned from a pilgrim brother that the community of the mountain was living
according to Cluny's rules (PL 189, 266). On the other hand a manuscript of the
15th c., preserved at one time in the convent of Ara Coeli in Rome, affirmed
that the monks killed in 1113 were German Cluniacs.
Baldwin I approved the donations of Tancred and in 1107 he added others in
favor of the abbey "on the holy mountain". The lands of the Benedictines were
truly notable: 34 villages[1] (some of which
were actual property, others were promised property) in the Lower Galilee,
especially in the lands around the mountain, and 22 villages in the Jordan
valley or beyond the Jordan. The tithes due to the abbey involved not only
harvests and livestock, but also military service.
In the meantime (1103) the pope Paschal II had conferred on the abbot Gerard
and his successors the title of archbishop of all of Galilee and of Tiberias
with the right to wear the pallium and to use the lead seal. Moreover, Paschal
II had placed the monastery and all its goods under the direct protection of
the Holy See.
In the beginning then, when the dioceses of Nazareth and Tiberias were not yet
founded, the abbot of Tabor had the episcopal jurisdiction over the Galilee.
Around 1107-1109 the ancient metropolitan see of Beth Shean was transferred to
Nazareth. This fact provoked a difficulty between the abbot Gerard and the
bishop Bernard on the clarification of their jurisdictions. In 1112 the dispute
was resolved in favor of Nazareth by Gibelinus, a bishop sent by the Holy See,
with the consent of the clergy and the King Baldwin I. The abbot maintained the
title of archbishop and the right to the pallium and to the seal but the abbey
did not receive all the tithes from the villages any longer. A phrase from
William of Tyre seems to indicate some unpleasant events. After recalling the
donations made by Tancred to the churches of Nazareth, Tiberias and Tabor, the
historian adds that these holy places lost no small part of their revenue due
to the fraud and calumnies of later princes.
The buildings of this period are described by Daniel: "On the highest point, on
the eastern side, there is an elevation, like a small mound of stones that end
in a form of a cone: that is the place of the Transfiguration. There one sees a
beautiful church dedicated to the Transfiguration and another, beside it, to
the north of the first one, dedicated to Moses and Elijah. The place of the
Transfiguration is surrounded by heavy stone walls with iron gates. It was at
one time the seat of a bishopric and now it is a Latin monastery".
In 1113 during the Turk counter-crusade, Malduc Atabeg from Mossul invaded the
Galilee. Baldwin I ordered the barons to come together immediately but he did
not wait for them and alone with his forces he challenged Malduc at Tiberias.
The Turks pushed towards Tabor and, in turn, beat the Crusaders before
returning to their homeland. The Turks massacred all those they found in the
abbey: 72 persons, between monks, servants and refugees. The martyrology of the
Benedictine Gabriel Bucelinus (17th c.) remembers the victims on May 4; their
remains were never found.
The Benedictines soon re-established themselves on the mountain. In 1115 the
name of the abbot Raymond appears on a document of donation by the Count
Riccardo of Calabria, who gave various possessions in the West to the community
of the Holy Savior on Mt Tabor. To protect themselves from new attacks, the
Benedictines fortified their monastery and installed a garrison of Turkopols[2].
The life of the religious on the mountain continued in peace for some years. In
1120 the abbot Peter participated in the Council of Nablus; in 1146 Pope Eugene
III confirmed to the abbot Pontius and his successors the privileges granted by
Paschal II. In 1169 the abbot Bernard I was named bishop of Lydda. A document
from 1175 was signed by twelve monks who, according to Gariador, were probably
the Benedictine community on Tabor at that time.
When Phocas visited the holy mountain in 1177 there were two Latin monasteries
and one Greek monastery. One of the Latin groups occupied the very top, where
the Lord was transfigured, and had many monks. The place of the Transfiguration
was surrounded by a metal barrier and the very place where the Lord stood was
marked by a round stone of extraordinary whiteness, marked with a cross.
In the second half of the 12th c. again one finds references to Tabor. John the
Deacon, a canon of the Lateran, listed among the various relics kept at the
lateran in the church of St Lawrence, lapis in quo Dominus transfiguratus
est in monte, the stone on which the Lord was transfigured on the
mountain (PL 78, 1390)[3].
An invasion by Saladin destroyed the peace and was the beginning of the end. In
1183 while the Crusaders laid siege to Ain Jalud, Saladin sent troops to
ransack the countryside. A band ascended Tabor and devastated the Greek
monastery. William of Tyre, who refers to these events, gives us the name of
the monastery: St Elijah. The Greeks fled and one hears of them again, we
believe, in 1737. The Saracens also attacked the Benedictine abbey. Their
fortifications, the Turkopols, and the courage of the monks, of their servants
and of the refugees saved both the monastery and the church.
The Benedictines knew they had to think about the future. After this incident,
the abbot Bernard II of Tabor and the abbot Fulk of St Paul of Antioch, with
the consent of their confreres, signed an agreement by which the two
communities agreed to grant hospitality to each other in case of expulsion.
They proved to be right. Only four years later Saladin attacked the Crusaders
again and defeated them at the Horns of Hattin. His troops again climbed Tabor
and this time finished the work they started on their previous sally. The
Benedictines abandoned the mountain. We do not know whether some of them went
to Antioch. It is certain that the abbot and a part of the community retreated
to Acre to a property of the abbey, most probably the church of the Holy
Savior[4].
In 1204 the Crusaders signed a truce with the Sultan el-Adel, the brother to
Saladin. As soon as it was done, el-Adel began to build a powerful fortress on
Tabor. The exact date is noted in one of the Arab inscriptions found in the
ruins: 5 du l-hiddsha 609, May 20, 1212[5]. The work was continued by Muazzam Isa, the son of el-Adel,
who governed with his father. The church of the Transfiguration and the
Benedictine abbey disappeared almost completely under the Saracen
constructions.
The fortress with its massive walls and numerous towers was a masterpiece of
military architecture at that time. It dominated the surrounding territory like
an eagle ready to pounce on its prey. It stopped the Crusaders from
reconquering Galilee and closed the road to Jerusalem to them[6]. Well-protected by a deep trench, the fortress extended a
tentacle towards the east. Next to the ancient hermitage, they built a
guardpost. The Franks, well aware of their limits, did not react.
However Pope Innocent III did react and in 1213 sent a solemn message to all of
Christendom: the Saracens have constructed on Mt Tabor, in the very place where
Christ manifested himself in his glory, a fortress determined to finish all
Christian influence in the Holy Land. It threatens the city of Acre and by
means of it the Saracens hope to destroy what remains of the kingdom of
Jerusalem, because that unhappy endeavor lacks money and men. At the opening of
the IV Lateran Council on Nov. 11,1215 Innocent III therefore announced his
firm decision to begin a new Crusade. Perhaps he hoped to lead it himself but a
few months later he died (July 16,1216).
The decision of Innocent III was confirmed by Honorius III. So the fifth
Crusade was organized under the command of Andrew II of Hungary, and included
many German, Flemish and Scandinavian princes. Andrew had made a vow to take up
the cross on the request of his dying father but he did not show much
enthusiasm for the task. Urged on by the Pope he finally left in August 1217
and arrived in Acre a little after Leopold VI duke of Austria who was the first
to sail.
In Acre the new Crusaders were joined by John of Brienne king of Jerusalem,
Hugo I of Lusignan king of Cyprus, the Templars and the Knights of St John.
Their war council in a meeting at the end of October 1217 decided to attack the
fortress. After they had stationed their numerous forces in the valley of
Esdraelon and had made el-Adel move back, the Crusaders moved on to Tabor at
the end of November and camped sur le ruissel du Cresson, one of the
springs of the Wadi el-Bireh. In order to try and take the fortress they had to
climb the mountain every day. Success seemed very unlikely because the thick
woods impeded the movement of their war machines. At the beginning of December,
thanks to a thick fog, the Crusaders arrived unseen by the besieged at the very
gate of the city, so close that they could touch the walls with their javelins.
In spite of the brave conduct of John of Brienne, they were thrust back by a
surprise sally of the beseiged Saracens. Some days later they made a final
attempt: the whole army ascended and carried a huge ladder that leaned on the
walls. The Saracens launched Greek fire against it, burnt it and inflicted
great losses on the attackers. The Franks were demoralized and returned to
Acre, not knowing that the enemy had been at the point of giving in. According
to some authors, the seige lasted seven days; others say, seventeen days.
Andrew II, who did not participate in the attack due to sickness, decided to go
home. The Crusade had poor results but, at any rate, the threat had been useful.
Melek el-Adel, understanding that his "blessed" fortress (as the Arab
inscriptions called it) was an arrogant provocation, decided to demolish it in
1218. On his side, Muazzam had so little hope in the final victory that he
ordered demolished also the fortresses of Tibnin, Paneas, and later Safed, for
fear they might fall into the hands of the Franks. The Franks however were in
dire straits. The abbot Andrew of Mt Tabor together with the highest Latin
prelates signed in Acre on October 1, 1220 a letter addressed to Philip II
Augustus king of France, which spoke of the tragic conditions in the Holy Land
and asked for help for John the king of Jerusalem, who was in great misery. In spite of everything, the properties which the abbey held would not be
confiscated and a community of religious established themselves there a short
while after the demolition of the fortress.
The Arab geographer Yakut, who
wrote in 1225, says that on the top of Tabor there was a large church of solid
construction and that to the south on that level one found the Deir
et - Tajalla, the convent of the Transfiguration. Here in fact, Yakut notes,
"it is said that Jesus---peace be upon him---was transfigured in the presence
of his disciples".
Concerning the religious, according to Boniface of Ragusa, it was the kings of
Hungary who sent to Tabor a good number of Hungarian monks of the order of St.
Paul the first hermit. Perhaps, Meistermann thought, it had been King Andrew II
who sent them to repair in some way the attack suffered, and perhaps those
religious presided at the place with the permission and under the jurisdiction
of the Benedictines.
During the Sixth Crusade, in 1229 Frederick II and Melek el-Kamel signed a
truce that lasted ten years, thanks to which the Crusader kingdom was almost
completely restored. Some people maintain that it was Frederick II who
reconstructed a Latin church on Tabor and gave it to the Hungarian monks. The
truce held for another five years and was finished with the invasion of the
Khuwarizm Turks.
Louis IX of France, after the disastrous battles in Egypt, which cost the lives
of half of the men on the Seventh Crusade, spent four years at Acre (May 13,
1250-April 24, 1254) and, by diplomacy, managed to keep the peace. Accompanied
by his wife, the very brave Queen Margaret, the saintly monarch climbed Tabor
on pilgrimage in 1251 for the vigil of the Annunciation.
On April 1, 1255 Pope Alexander IV sent a bull to the Grand Master William of
Castronove and the brothers of the Order of St. John. In essence he said: Your
merits lead me to concede your request. In your petition you report to us that
the monastery on Tabor has been destroyed by the enemies of Christ and one
cannot expect that the abbot and monks would be able to restore it. Since it is
very probable that the Saracens will erect fortifications there, you have asked
us to intervene. Therefore, knowing well that you fight incessantly with all
your strength against Christ's enemies, we concede to you the above-mentioned
monastery with all its possessions, rights and tithes.
After the concession these clauses appear in the document: if peace or a truce
continues between the Saracens and the Christians, you will build a fortress
within ten years after you have taken possession of the mountain and you will
keep forty knights in arms continually to defend Christian honor. To the
Benedictine abbot and surviving monks, you will give the necessities of life,
according to the judgment of the archbishop of Tyre and of the Abbot of Holy
Mary of the Valley of Josaphat, who lives in Acre. To obtain the concession the
Hospitalers sent 1,100 byzantine coins. During the following two years, upon
the request of the Grand Master of the Order, Alexander IV sent other bulls in
substitution for those of Paschal II and Eugene III, long since ineffectual due
to the change in circumstances, and the Pope confirmed for the abbot of Tabor
the title of archbishop with the right to wear the pallium.
Some of the Benedictines were happy with the decision. About a year after the
transfer of the property, the monks Garino, Michael and Peter wrote to the Pope
thanking him because the Hospitalers had been able to fortify the place. Other
Benedictines raised some difficulties and in 1257 Alexander IV ordered the
abbot of Holy Mary of the valley of Josaphat to help the Hospitalers obtain the
goods and privileges attached to the convent on Tabor, if need be, by using the
threat of excommunication.
The Knights of St John remained in command on Tabor for only eight years and
later had to abandon it due to their behavior.
At the beginning of 1263 Baibars Bundukdari attacked the Franks. John of
Ibelin, count of Jaffa, and Balian of Ibelin, count of Arsuf, resigned
themselves to accept the conditions of the Mameluke sultan, one of which
involved the exchange of prisoners. On April 8, the representatives of the
government of Acre went to negotiate with Baibars in his camp on Tabor. The
Templars and the Hospitalers refused to send back their prisoners so as not to
lose their slave labor. Baibars himself got angry at their answer and broke off
the negotiations. The Franks lost, besides Tabor, also Jaffa, Arsuf, Cesarea
and Safed.
On August 20, 1263 Pope Urban IV sent a letter entitled VOCEM TERRORIS (The
Voice of Terror) to St Louis IX, in which he denounced all the destruction
wrought by Baibars at Nazareth, Capharnaum, Tabor and in all the Christian
settlements up to the gates of Acre "et in tota Christianorum terra usque ad
portas Acconis" (and in all the lands of the christians up to the gates of
Acre). Louis for the second time took up the Crusade in 1267 but his death
impeded his arrival on the holy mountain . The eighth and last crusade had no
results whatsoever[7].
The summit of Tabor was only a sea of rocks on which there rose up like a small
petrified wave the ruins that had been venerated for hundreds of years. In the
middle of the 17th c., even this wave was leveled.
___________
notes
[1] The common term for village in the
Crusader documents was a hamlet (or, in Latin, casella). William of Tyre
explains that a hamlet is a center of 100 or more houses, each of which pay a
tax of one byzantine coin. In Crusader times the population of a village could
be on an average of 500 souls.
[2] The Turkopols, from the greek turkopoul,
son of a Turk, was a name given in the Middle Ages to the troops of the light
cavalry in the French dominions of the Mideast, who were recruited from among
the natives and halfbreeds.
[3] Perhaps this eulogy was seen in 1905 by Fr.
Grisar, who "by the benign and special concession of Pope Pius X" examined the
relics of the Lateran and noted in the wooden box, ordered by Pope Leo III
(795-816), the phrase "Stones from the Holy Places of Palestine". H. Grisar, Il
"Sancta Sanctorum" in Roma e il suo tesoro nuovamente aperto, in Civilt´a
Cattolica, 57 (1906), 517.
[4] The list of Benedictine abbots
on Tabor was reported by both D. Gariador (Les anciens {etc.}, cf. 5.7), and
M.E.G. Rey, Les familles d'Outre-Mer de du Cange, Paris 1868, 828-830, and by
R. Röhricht, Syria Sacra, in ZDPV, 10 (1887), 39-41.
[5] For the Arab inscriptions, see M. Van
Berchem, Arabische Inschriften aus Syrien, in Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des
Deutschen Palästina-Vereins, 1903, 33-45; H. Lammens, Inscriptions arabes
du Mont Tabor, in MEL, 3 (1909), 481-492.
[6] For the detailed study of the
fortifications, inscriptions and Arab coins, cf. A. Battista, B. Bagatti, La
fortezza saracena del M. Tabor, Jerusalem 1975.
[7] After the departure of the crusaders, only
two titular bishops for Tabor were listed: Walter in the second half of the
14th c.and Andrea Didaci in 1414 (C. Eubel. Hierarchia catholica Medii Aevi,
vol I, 2 ed., Monastery, 1913).
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