Madaba. One Hundred Years
|The centenary of the discovery of the Madaba Map comes at an extraordinary moment for the antiquities of Madaba. This celebration crowns ten years of intensive activity during which we participated in significant events which surely will positively influence the city's life in the future:
In 1989 my book about the antiquities of the city, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, was published in Italian (and later in Arabic). 1 It was followed in 1993 by the volume in English published by ACOR, The Mosaics of Jordan, the main part of which relates to the mosaics of Madaba and its territory, finally giving them the due that their beauty warrants. 2
In August 1991 work on the Madaba Archaeological Park began, and the park was inaugurated by Queen Noor on November 12, 1995. 3
In September 1992 the Madaba Mosaic School opened. It is an Italian-Jordanian project of cooperation, and the first qualified mosaicists and restorers have received their degrees. 4
In 1993 the Madaba Society was established with the aim of protecting the cultural heritage of Madaba and the surrounding territory.
In the summer of 1996 the newly published book by ACOR, Madaba Cultural Heritage came out, 5 in parallel to the first excavations on the acropolis of the city, which were directed by Tim Harrison.
These cultural initiatives show how collaboration between different forces is the best way to act in any type of endeavor. Thanks also to the decision by the Jordanian Government to upgrade the city to the center of a governorate, Madaba gradually is regaining the central leadership role of the region, which is identified as "The Land of Madaba" in the Stele of Mesha, the Moabite king of the 9th century BC (lines 7-8 and 30). 6
|Pre-classic Madaba (4th millennium - 2nd cent. BC)
The first human settlement that gave birth to Madaba started at the natural elevation which today lies at the center of the town. From here it dominated the fertile plateau at the border of the Ghor. The only inconvenience of the site was that it did not have a natural spring for a supply of fresh water. To remedy this, the inhabitants dug out cisterns and built reservoirs to collect rain water (and asked this gift from God, as witnessed by pagan and Christian inscriptions alike). 7
From the survey carried out by Tim Harrison in 1993 and from his excavation of 1996 on the southeast side of the acropolis, we know that human occupation on the tell started during the Early Bronze Age, toward the beginning of the 4th millennium BC. 8
The tell is made up of the acropolis with a steep slope to the west and southeast. The tell also includes the lower city which extends toward the north-northeast. The funerary furnishings of two tombs discovered to the west and south of the acropolis witness to the human presence at the site between the 13th and the 10-9th centuries BC. 9 Various types of pottery gathered all over the historic center of the city attest to the extensive occupation of the tell in the Iron Age during the Moabite period (9th-7th cent BC). The Stele of Mesha, king of Moab, and the biblical texts refer to this period. 10
|The Nabataean-Roman City (2nd cent. BC - 4th cent. AD)
The book of Maccabees (1 Mac 9:32-42) informs us that during the 2nd century BC the city was inhabited by the Sons of Iamri, a Nabataean tribe which Josephus Flavius translates in Greek as Amaraios (Antiquitates XIII, 1.2). In Nabataean it is the Banu 'Amrat, as we read in the inscription found in a double copy in the compound of the "Cathedral" Church of Madaba (CIS, Aram, n. 196). 11 This inscription originally formed part of a funerary monument built in 37 AD at the time of Aretas IV of Petra by the strategos Abdobodat to bury his father the strategos Itaybel and his son Itaybel. This inscription confirms that the Land of Madaba formed part of the Nabataean Kingdom of Petra. Stephen of Byzantium, in the 6th century still calls it "city of the Nabataeans". 12
A second bilingual inscription, in Nabataean and Greek, dated to the third year of the Province of Arabia (108/109 AD) is a witness to the passage of the city under the direct Roman provincial administration. 13
In the inscription which accompanies a hand holding a thunderbolt on a stone monument found at al-Mushaqqar on the ridge in front of Mt. Nebo, one can read the name of the priest Zaidallas Petrigenous buleuta of Madaba. 14 His title presupposes some sort of city statutes for the citizens of the city, who were mostly Nabataean, as the funerary inscriptions demonstrate.
In the 2nd-3rd century AD Madaba was integrated in the new province to the extent that it minted its coins under the emperors Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta and Alexander Severus. 15 The main typologies are the Helios in quadriga and the Tyche of the Madabites. During this period the city took on a monumental identity as can be seen from the various architectural elements scattered among its ruins or reused in the churches of the Byzantine period. 16
Notwithstanding the numerous discoveries, we have to admit that we do not know much about the city during the Roman period. The principal evidence for the city plan of this period comes from the paved and columned street that crossed the northern sector of the city in an east-west direction with a southern diversion to form a square in the area of the Burnt Palace. Halfway through, in the area of the Church of the Virgin, there was an exedra-shaped structure built on a basement. 17 This could have been the temple of Tyche or Helios of the Madabites that was struck on the coins. The sculptured architectural elements of this round building were reused in the Church of the Virgin, in the presbytery of the Church of the Holy Martyrs (former al-Khadir Church) and in the embossed wall stones of a rediscovered building in the so-called Bajjali area. 18
From an inscription found in the area of the birkeh (the large water reservoir at Wadi Madaba or Henu) we know that the Governor Flavius Iulianus in 219 AD, at the time of Elagabalus, had constructed a building at "the gates". 19 The explorers of the last century in fact mention a monumental gate at the end of the paved road to the east and a gate near the ruins of the northern church, although we have no graphic or photographic documentation of them. 20
On the north side of Wadi Henu we can see a tomb which was already looted in 1970 and reopened by a bulldozer during the summer of 1996. 20 Nearby was found a votive altar dedicated to Neptunus by a centurion of the Legio III Cyrenaica. 22
|The City during the Byzantine-Umayyad Period (5th-8th Cent. AD)
All the buildings with mosaics known to date belong to the Byzantine-Umayyad city. A new feature brought about by the recent archaeological excavations is the discovery of various mansions with mosaics, in addition to the churches. We can mention the Burnt Palace and the Hipollytus Palace by the paved street, the House of the Cross in the Bajjali courtyard, the Hall of the Bacchic Procession, the Hall of Achilles and the Hall of the Seasons in the southern quarter.
The rich mansions as well as the more modest ones like the House of the Cross follow the same plan of rooms that open onto a central paved courtyard with underground cisterns.
The best preserved building of this type is the Burnt Palace, which was recently explored by Ghazi Bisheh. 23 It had a southern entrance somehow related to the paved Roman street. On the west wing were two intercommunicating mosaiced rooms, while a mosaiced corridor led to the northern wing into two other mosaiced rooms. The eastern wing was occupied by a mosaiced room that had an opening to the south onto a paved corridor covering a vaulted cistern.
The same scheme is repeated in the Hippolytus Palace build next to the Roman monument on which the Church of the Virgin was built. 24 A corridor roofed by arches and mosaiced with large white tesserae led from the northern area to a southern mosaiced room, which was later completely replaced by a cistern, related to the Hipollytus hall that stood at the southern side of the paved central courtyard. Mosaiced rooms opened onto the western wing with two underground cisterns. It remains uncertain how the Roman exedra platform had been utilized in the palace.
Of the Achilles Palace we only have a general picture taken by Fr. Corbo in 1960 at the time of its discovery when the by-pass road was being opened. The Bacchic Procession Hall is isolated in the Archaeological Museum. Less survives of the other buildings, like the one of which the Hall of the Seasons formed a part. 25
Notwithstanding these mansions and the numerous churches with mosaics, for which Madaba is justly known as the city of mosaics in Jordan during the Byzantine period, we know very little about the urban structure of the city. We know the extent of the city due to the graphic and photographic documentation of the ruins made by the archaeologists. The first plan was made by Schumacher in 1891, which was followed independently in 1892 by Fr. Séjourné, and subsequently by Don Manfredi in 1899, Paulouskji-Kluge in 1902, and Metaxakis in 1905. 26 The urban nucleus was delimited by Tariq al-Malik Abdallah and al-Nuzhah to the west and south, by the Bajjali House on the North, and by the al-Kerak Road on the east.
In this reconstruction, the Church of the Apostles to the southeast, the church of al-Mishnaqa to the west and the birkeh remained outside the inhabited area. The Northern Church, which is the Church of the Map, remained on the northern border. In the internal plan of the city, still to be discovered, the Roman road of the northern quarter remained the main axis during the Byzantine Period. We find besides the public mansions, four basilicas aligned to the north and south. This notwithstanding the fact that the street had been modified and disturbed with the removal of its colonnade and with the construction of houses, shops and churches in levels which sometimes reached the paving stones of the street.
Another characteristic is the building of workshops on the steep, terraced western slope of the tell. 27 The other buildings, although it is better to say the other mosaic floors, whether in situ or not, do not find a clear place in the urban plan of Byzantine Madaba. They remain islands separated from each other.
|The Churches of Madaba
Tristram was a good prophet in 1872. After spending four days among the abandoned ruins and also having identified the first churches he writes: "Excavations we were not able to attempt; but I have seen no place in the country where they seem more likely to yield good results". 28
We owe the discovery of the city of Madaba to two events: the permanent reoccupation of the ruins in 1880, 29 and the discovery and publication of the Mosaic Map in 1897. 30
It is enough to read the literature before that date to realize how the tell of Madaba did not stir any interest in the explorers. In fact Seetzen and Burchardt passed by the ruins, noting only the birkeh and the two columns of al-Mishnaqa. 31 Others by-passed the site, as did Irby and Mangles on their way to Umm al-Rasas. 32
We owe the discovery of the Paradise mosaic in the Madaba Archaeological Museum and the so called 'Cathedral' Church in the southern quarter to the new stone houses erected by the newly arrived inhabitants who came from the region of Kerak. It is also they who discovered the mosaic of the Church of the Virgin in the northern quarter where the Greek Orthodox parish priest had built his residence. To them also we owe the discovery of the mosaic of the 'Reclining Woman' which is completely lost, 33 and two toponyms from the Map, published by Fr. Germer-Durand in1890, 34 in the area of the northern church where a chapel had been built for the Greek Orthodox community.
Following the publication of the Map in the Spring of 1897, 35 Don Giuseppe Manfredi, the parish priest of the Latin community, excavated the church of the Prophet Elias, the church of al-Khadir and the church which we call al- Sunna' Church situated along the paved street, not far from the church of Salaytah and, later on, the church of the Apostles in the southern quarter. 36
The Archimandrite Meletios Metaxakis, during his stay in Madaba when he wrote his long contribution dedicated to the antiquities of the city published in Nea Sion starting from 1904, 37 dug a trench in the area of the Burnt Palace and he was also the first to study the western part of the Hippolytus Hall, which was accidentally discovered in the house of Suleiman Sunna' next to the church of the Virgin.
Among the modern discoveries that have helped to clarify the historical questions related to the Episcopal city, as highlights I mention: the discovery of the chapel of Saint Theodore in 1968 where an inscription established a certain date for Bishop John; 38 the discovery of the two superimposed baptisteries in the mosaic courtyard of the Cathedral in 1981, 39 which alas were destroyed almost immediately after their discovery; the uncovering of the first line of the dedicatory inscription of the Church of the Virgin in 1980, 40 which contained the name of Bishop Teophane, followed by the discovery in 1982 of the southern section of the Hippolytus hall under the internal vestibule of the same church, 41 the discovery of the eastern hall of the Burnt Palace in 1985, 42 half of which was disturbed by the construction of a modern house.
|Main Historical Results
The inscriptions accompanying the mosaic floors of the churches of Madaba and its diocesan territory have helped to complete the list of bishops of the city. Today we can follow this list from the mid-5th century up to the second half of the 8th century. 43 Thanks to the names of the bishops of Madaba mentioned in the mosaic inscriptions we are also able to define with reasonable certainty the boundaries of the diocese. They extended to the south to Wadi Mujib-Arnon and thus included the ruins of Umm al-Rasas 44 and Dhiban, 45 to the west it reached Mount Nebo 46 and to the southwest included Ma'in 47 and Machaerus, 48 to the east it faded into the steppe, while to the north it reached the boundary of the diocese of Esbous, and probably included the village of Khattabiyah. 49
The Mosaics of Madaba
From the official acts of the Council of Chalcedon (451) we know that Madaba was the see of a bishop. The archbishop of Bostra Constantine, the metropolitan of the Province of Arabia, signed those Acts of the Council in the name of Gaianus bishop of the Madabites. 50 Some years later, the Christian community of the city went out to meet the old bishop of Maiumas of Gaza, Peter the Iberian. 51 He was coming from Nebo on his way to the Hot Springs of Baaru (Hammamat Ma'in) to cure his ailings. The people acclaimed him as the new Moses and Elias because on his arrival torrential rain had filled up all the dry cisterns of the city. This is the only (scanty) information we have from the literary sources.
From archaeological research we have much more. For the end of the 5th century, up to the first decades of the 6th century, prior to Bishop Elias whom we know to be in office in 530 and 536 AD, 52 we have the names of three Bishops: Fidus, Cyrus and Malichos. 53 For the 6th century, after Bishop Elias, we have the names of Bishop John 54 and Bishop Sergius 55 the latter was followed by Bishop Leontius in the first decade of the 7th century. 56 In the second half of the 8th century we know Bishop Sergius II, 57 Bishop Job in 756 and 762, 58 and Bishop Theophane in 767 AD. 59
The inscriptions of the mosaics containing the dates and names of bishops can serve as a guide to follow the development of the monuments of the Byzantine city from the end of the 5th century to the mid-8th century.
The 'Cathedral' Complex
The names of four bishops from the same number of building phases come from the so-called 'Cathedral' on the southern side of the tell. The small photisterion in the western courtyard was mosaiced at the time of Bishop Cyrus in the first decades of the VIth Century. 60 In 562 AD, at the time of Bishop John, the west-oriented chapel of the glorious martyr Theodore was built in the same courtyard of the 'Cathedral' on the southern side. It was the first mosaic uncovered in which the four rivers of Paradise are represented, a theme we know today to be a preferred subject for the mosaicists of Madaba. 61 In 576, at the time of Bishop Sergius, the area was restructured with the construction of the baptistry chapel that covered up the area of the photisterion. At this time a mosaiced floor was laid in the courtyard containing the double cistern ('lakkos en lakko'), the pride of the Madabites, as can be read in the inscription to the east of the mouth of the underground cistern, 'goubba bagoubba' repeated in Semitic in the inscription to the west of the same opening of the cistern. 62
The constructions were completed at the time of Bishop Leontius in 603 AD, as attested in the inscription found in a side room to the north of the church, the main edifice which extended to the east and is buried under modern constructions. 63
The Church of the Prophet Elias
A similar situation is found in the church of the Prophet Elias in the northern quarter in front of the church of the Virgin. 64 In the crypt the work is dated at the time of Bishop Sergius in 595/96 AD. The long dedicatory inscription of the upper church, discovered by Don Manfredi in 1897, expressly states that in 608 AD Leontius, through the funds of Menas son of Panphilius and Theodose, Aigiarian brothers, completed the works begun by his predecessor Sergius.
The Church of the Virgin Mary
The name of the benefactor Menas is still preserved in the primitive mosaic of the rotunda of the church of the Virgin. 65 I believe this is sufficient proof to suggest that even this church was built at the same time and was part of a single ecclesiastical project to the north and south of the paved street. This was the first result of the reexamination of the mosaic of the church of the Virgin in 1977, when I tried to resolve the controversial date in the last line of the dedicatory inscription. By removing the wall on top of these lines we could also read the name of the Bishop Theophane. 66 The dedicatory inscription and that of the medallion at the center of the rotunda form part of the additions made to the original mosaic which can still be seen along the perimeter of the church. The 'signe bizarre' of the date in the last line of the dedicatory inscription, as Clermont-Ganneau called it, 67 reappeared recently both in Jerusalem 68 and at Nebo, in the Chapel of the Theotokos at Wadi 'Ayn al-Kanisah 69 accompanied by the name of Bishop Job in office in 756 AD. 70 This has permitted Leah Di Segni to definitively resolve the mystery. 71 With the use of the Byzantine era of the Creation of the World, the date leads to the year 767 AD. Thus the mosaic of the church of the Virgin, which was the first mosaic to come to the attention of the scholars, becomes the latest dated mosaic of the city!
|The Mosaic Map
It is in this historical and artistic context, that we can place the other mosaics of the city and the Mosaic Map. We are accustomed to group them under the Madaba School, one of the most coherent provincial expressions for the classical Justinian renaissance. 72 From the dates we have already mentioned we can conclude that the Christian monumentalisation of the city occured in the 6th-7th century. This parallels the affirmation of the classical taste of the mosaicists who were active in the city and in the diocesan territory at this time.
A particular impetus is witnessed from the second half of the 6th century to the first decades of the 7th, at the times of Bishops John, Sergius and Leontius. This building activity became frenetic at the time of Bishop Sergius who was in office from 576 to the last years of the century. Besides the works carried out in the 'Cathedral' and at the Church of the Prophet Elias which he certainly founded, we find his name in relation to the construction of the church of the Apostles in 578. 73 Its mosaic containing the Sea Medallion is signed by the mosaicist Salaman, an artist of great talent. Furthermore, almost all the churches excavated to date at Umm al-Rasas go back to his time: the Church of Bishop Sergius, the Church of the Priest Wa'il, the Church of the Lions and the Church of St. Sergius inside the castrum. The mosaic of the baptistry chapel at the Memorial of Moses on Mount Nebo was also completed at the time of Bishop Sergius.
It was only during this period of the second half of the 6th century that the Christian community of Madaba took over the area along the paved street, which we might consider the central area of the city, and specifically the dominating building that we suggested to identify as the Tycheion of the city, on which the Church of the Virgin was built. 74
Recent scholars propose to date the Mosaic Map in the 7th century. 75 They base their conclusions on the identification of the edifices of the city plan of Jerusalem with the toponyms recorded in the accounts of the Capture of Jerusalem by the Persians in 614 AD. Those toponyms, according to these authors, are represented in the vignette of the Holy City of the Map. Personally I am of the opinion that one cannot and one should not look for too much topographic exactness in a city plan like that of Jerusalem in the Map, which was an artistic and interpretative expression of the city. The Holy City was depicted by the mosaicist enclosed within its walls with its gates and buildings which develop around its two main columned streets dominated by the Holy Sepulchre complex. Accepting that the two basilicas at the southern extremity of the Cardo are those of the Justinian Holy Sion and Nea Theotokos consecrated in 543 we have a terminus post quem for the Map which takes us to the middle of the 6th century.
The pilgrimage churches depicted in the Map lead us towards the second half of the 6th century, as pointed out by Avi-Yonah. 76 These churches are first mentioned by the anonymous Pilgrim of Piacenza who visited them towards the year 570 AD: Galgala near Jericho, the Sanctuary of the Egyptian martyrs at Askalon, that of Saint Victor at Gaza and the tomb of St. Zacharias in the Shefelah.
Another interesting bit of evidence comes from the current archaeological research at Dayr 'Ayn 'Abata. 77 If we admit that the church and the first mosaic floor of Saint Lot at Zoara were built and completed at the same time in 604 AD at the time of Bishop Jacob and abbot Sozomenus, we have a more precise terminus post quem for the Map, in which the sanctuary is recorded.
Technical affinities, like the way of the cutting and laying of the tesserae, together with the color effects sought and obtained by the mosaicists, surely place the Mosaic Map of Madaba among the group of works dated to the end of the 6th- first decades of the 7th century. It seems to me that the most convenient dating for this masterpiece, which remains unique amongst the mosaics of the region to the east and west of river Jordan, is at the time of bishops John and Sergius, starting from the sixties of the 6th century to the first decade of the 7th century.
The mosaics of Jordan are in some way identified with architectural representations. This impression is based on the Madaba Map and the landscape scenes with vignettes of Nilotic cities discovered at Jerash in the thirties. Recent archaeological research has confirmed that architectonic representation is a preferred subject in many church mosaics of the 6th-7th centuries throughout the territory (city plans are to be found in the mosaics of the church of St. John at Khirbet es-Samra, in the church of Zay, in the church of St. Lot and Procopius on Mt. Nebo, in the Chapel of the Theotokos, in the churches of Bishop Sergius, of the Priest Wa'il and of the Lions at Umm al-Rasas). It is also a preferred subject in later Umayyad mosaics. Vignettes are to be found in the lower church of al-Quwaysmah in Amman, in the church on the acropolis at Ma'in and in the Church of St. Stephen at Umm al-Rasas. Therefore, the Map is not an isolated work, although it remains umparalleled.
The editors have dedicated the recent volume Madaba Cultural Heritage to the People of Madaba. Inside, as a result of all these years of toil and research, an up-to-date thematic map of Madaba was included. There is expressly written that the map was conceived and worked out "to facilitate future research and development of Madaba". It has been offered to the Municipality of the city to create a "development plan for the town" which cannot be postponed.
When I started my archaeological research more than twenty years ago, continuing the work of those who preceded me among the houses of the city, we were only at the beginning of the use of concrete for building which has gradually replaced the use of stone.
The stone houses had been built by the earlier inhabitants of the town without foundations by laying the stones directly on the mosaics or ancient buildings without ruining them. The situation now has deteriorated.
Madaba is no longer the village recognized up to the 1970s. But action can still be taken because collaboration between politicians, city planners and archaeologists can safeguard and rescue the character of the city in such a way that the future inhabitants of Madaba and the growing numbers of visitors can discover a past which should remain always at the basis of a future development and peaceful living, which all of us wish for the inhabitants of the city.
The principle that we must first become accustomed to live with our past in order to be able to live with others is valid not only for the individual but also for the inhabitants of Madaba.
1 M. Piccirillo, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, Jerusalem 1989 (Arabic Edition: Madaba. Kana'is wa fusayfasa', Jerusalem 1993).
2 M. Piccirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, ed. by P. M. Bikai and T. Dailey, Amman 1993.
3 M. Piccirillo, Il Parco Archeologico e la Scuola del Mosaico a Madaba in Giordania. Cronistoria di un progetto, in Siti e monumenti della Giordania. Rapporto sullo stato di conservazione, a cura di L. Marino, Firenze 1994, 53-56.
4 They are the ones who made the copy of the mosaic map.
5 Madaba Cultural Heritage, ed. by P. M. Bikai and T. A. Dailey, Amman 1996.
6 J.C.L. Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions. Vol.1 Hebrew and Moabite Inscriptions, Oxford 1971, 71 ss, lines 7-8 and 30.
7 The invocation in the Greek inscription of the central medallion in the nave of the Church of the Prophet Elias asks for rain "You who with your prayer set in motion, as is fitting, the clouds, bearers of rain, and who give mercy to the people. O prophet, remember also the benefactors and this humble city (of Madeba)" (P.-L. Gatier, Inscriptions de la Jordanie, 2, Paris 1986, n. 146).
8 T. Harrison, Surface Survey, in Madaba Cultural Heritage, 19-23; Idem, Tell Madaba Excavations 1966, LA 46, 1996, 404-406; figs. 9-11.
9 L. Harding, and B.S.J. Isserlin, An Early Iron Age Tomb at Madeba, PEFA, VI, 1953, 27-47; M. Piccirillo, Una tomba del Ferro I a Madaba (Madaba B-Moab), LA 1975, 199-224, tavv. 49-67; H.O. Thompson, Madaba. An Iron Age Tomb, in The Answers Lie Below: Essays in Honor of Lawrence Edmund Toombs, ed. H.O. Thompson, New York 1984, 147-183.
10 Ollson Van Zyl, The Moabites.
11 J.T. Milik, La tribu des Bani 'Amrat en Jordanie de l'époque byzantine, ADAJ, 1980, 41-54.
12 Stephan of Byzantium, Ethnika, ed. A. Meinekii, 1849 (reprint Graz 1958), 449,6.
13 J. T. Milik, Nouvelles inscriptions nabatéennes, Syria, 35, 1958, 243; Gatier, IGLJ, 2, 118 f.
14 M. Piccirillo, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, Jerusalem 1989, 317; Gatier IGLJ, 2, 79 f.
15 A. Spijkerman, The Coins of the Decapolis and Provincia Arabia, ed. M. Piccirillo, Jerusalem 1978, 180-185.
16 Impressive are the architectural remains, capitals and friezes, reused in the church of the Holy Martyrs (former Church of al-Khadir),
17 M. Piccirillo, La chiesa della Vergine a Madaba, LA 32, 1982, 60 f.
18 A. Acconci and E. Gabrieli, Scavo del cortile Bajali a Madaba, LA 44, 1994, 405-520; 14, foto 4.
19 M. Piccirillo, Una iscrizione imperiale e alcune stele funerarie di Madaba e di Kerak, LA 39, 1989, 105-108.
20 "The access to Madeba, on this side (the eastern one) has been by a paved road leading to a finely-built massive gateway with two side portals" (Tristram, The Land of Moab, 311); "Les débris de deux portes, celle du Nord et celle de l'Est...sont encore bien visible..." (Séjourné, RB, 1892, 632).
21 E. Alliata, Madaba. A Roman Tomb, LA 46, 1966, 406 f.
22 J.-L. Gatier, Inscription Latine de Madeba, LA 37, 1987, 365-367.
23 Madaba Cultural Heritage, 27 - 29.
24 LA 32, 1982, *
25 Piccirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, 76-80.
26 G. Schumacher, ZDPV 1895, 113-125; Séjourné, RB, 1892, 617-644; G. Manfredi, NBAC 1899, 149-170; Paulowski - Kluge, Isvestija 1903, 79-115; Metaxakis, Nea Sion, 1904,
27 Piccirillo, Madaba, 140-141.
28 Tristram, The Land of Moab, 306-315.
29 P. Médebielle, Madaba et son histoire chrétienne, Jerusalem 1987.
30 See the following article by Meimaris.
31 Seetzen, Reisen, I, 407 f.; Burchardt, Travels, 366.
32 Irby-Mangles, Travels, 471.
33 Piccirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, fig. 56.
34 J. Germer-Durand, Inscriptions Romaines et Byzantines de Palestine, Le Cosmos, t. 17, 1890, 287 (also in RB 1895, 588-592).
35 K. Kikylidis, O en Madaba mosaiko..., Jerusalem 1897.
36 P.-M. Séjourné, L'Elianée de Madaba, RB 1897, 648-656; G. Manfredi, Piano generale delle antichità di Madaba, Nuovo Bollettino di Archeologia Cristiana, V, 1899, 155-159; H. Vincent, L'église de SS. Apôtres à Madaba, RB, 1902, 599.
37 M. Metaxakis, Madeba, Nea Sion, 1904, 540-568; 1905, 449-474; 1906, 139-157; 262-304; 472-507.
38 S. Saller, The Works of Bishop John of Madaba in the light of Recent Discoveries, LA 19, 1969, 145-167.
39 M. Piccirillo, La 'cattedrale' di Madaba, LA 31, 1981, 299-332.
40 M. Piccirillo, A Note on the Church of the Virgin at Madaba, Jordan, ADAJ 1980, 151 f.
41 M. Piccirillo, La chiesa della Vergine a Madaba, LA 32, 1982, 373-403.
42 M. Piccirillo, Il Palazzo Bruciato di Madaba, LA 36, 1986, 317-334.
43 M. Piccirillo, Aggiornamento delle liste episcopali delle diocesi in territorio transgiordanico, Hommage Nasrallah (forthcoming).
44 M. Piccirillo and E. Alliata, Umm al-Rasas Mayfa'ah I: Gli scavi del complesso ecclesiastico di Santo Stefano, Jerusalem 1993.
45 M. Piccirillo, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, 258-260.
46 S. Saller, The Memorial of Moses on Mount Nebo, I-II, Jerusalem 1941; S. Saller and B. Bagatti, The Town of Nebo (Khirbet el-Mekhayyat). With a Brief Survey of Other Christian Monuments in Transjordan, Jerusalem 1949; M. Piccirillo and E. Alliata, Mount Nebo. New Archaeological Excavations 1967-1997, Jerusalem 1998.
47 M. Piccirillo, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, 226-253.
48 M. Piccirillo, Le antichità cristiane del villaggio di Mekawer, LA 45, 1995, 293-318.
49 M. Piccirillo, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, 309-315.
50 R. Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, 220; A second Gaianos, a disciple of saint Euthimius, was sacred bishop of Madaba by Antipatros archbishop of Bostra (Cyril of Schythopolis, Life of Saint Euthimius, p. 52f.*)
51 John Rufus, Vita Petri, ed. Raabe, p. 85 ff.
52 As written in the old diakonikon in the Memorial of Moses on Mount Nebo (M. Piccirillo, Campagna archeologica nella basilica di Mosè Profeta sul Monte Nebo-Siyagha (1 luglio-7 settembre 1976), LA 26, 1976, 281-318. The name of the bishop occurs in the dedicatory inscription in the church of Saint George at Khirbat al-Mukhayyat (S. Saller and B. Bagatti, The Town of Nebo (Khirbet el-Mekhayyat). With a Brief Survey of Other Christian Monuments in Transjordan, Jerusalem 1949).
53 The names occur: Cyrus in the Lower mosaic of the Church of Kaianos in the 'Uyun Musa Valley (M. Piccirillo, Archaeological Excavations at 'Ayoun Mousa, Mount Nebo, 1984-1987, LA 32, 1988, 195-205), and in the lower fotisterion in the 'cathedral' church at Madeba (LA 31,1981, 314-315); Fidus, in the lower mosaic floor of the Priest John chapel at Khirbat al-Mukhayyat (M. Piccirillo, La cappella del Prete Giovanni di Khirbet al-Mukhayyat (villaggio di Nebo), LA 38, 1988, 297-315); Malichos, in the central church in the village of Mekawer (LA 1995, 304). On archaeological and stylistic data based on the mosaics, the three bishops are temporary listed in the following order: Malechios, Fidus, and Cyrus prior to 530 A.D.
54 The name of Bishop John occurs in the chapel of Saint Theodore in the 'Cathedral' Church of Madaba, in the church of Saints Lot and Procopius and in the Upper Chapel of Priest John at Khirbat al-Mukhayyat, and in the northern chapel in the church of the Apostles at Madaba.
55 The name of bishop Sergius occurs in the Basilica of Moses on Mount Nebo, at Madaba in the 'Cathedral' Church, in the crypt of Saint Elianus and in the Church of the Apostles, at Umm al-Rasas, in the Church of Bishop Sergius, in the Church of the Lions, and in the Church of Priest Wa'il.
56 Bishop Leontius is mentioned in the Theotokos Chapel in the Memorial of Moses on Mount Nebo, in the Upper Church of the Prophet Elias and in a northern room of the 'Cathedral' Church.
57 The name of Sergius II occurs in the nave of the church of Saint Stephen at Umm al-Rasas (M. Piccirillo and E. Alliata, Umm al-Rasas Mayfa'ah I, p. 244-246).
58 Bishop Job is mentioned in the upper mosaic of the presbytery in the church of saint Stephen at Umm al-Rasas (Ibid, p. 242-243), and in the mosaic inscription near the door in the chapel of the Theotokos monastery in the Wadi 'Ayn al-Kanisah (M. Piccirillo, Le due iscrizioni della cappella della Theotokos nel Wadi 'Ayn al-Kanisah - Monte Nebo, LA 44, 1994, 521-538).
59 The name of Bishop Theophane is written in the dedicatory inscription of the church of the Virgin at Madeba (L. Di Segni, The Date of the Church of the Virgin in Madaba, LA 42, 1992, 251-257).
60 M. Piccirillo, La 'cattedrale' di Madaba, LA 31, 1981, 299-322.
61 The motif was later found in the church of the Sunna' Family at Madeba (M. Piccirillo, La chiesa dei Sunna' a Madaba, LA 43, 1993, 277-313), in the church of Saint Sergius inside the castrum at Umm al-Rasas (Bujard, J., Les églises geminées d'Umm er-Rasas, ADAJ 36, 291-306; Piccirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, fig. 390), and in the chapel of the Theotokos monastery in the Wadi 'Ayn al-Kanisah (LA 44, 1994, 521-538).
62 Gatier, Inscriptions of Jordanie 2, p. 135 f., n. 137.
63 Gatier, Ibid, p. 136, n. 140.
64 P.-M. Séjourné, L'Elianée de Madaba, RB, 1897, 648-656; M. Piccirillo, La chiesa del Profeta Elia a Madaba. Nuove scoperte, LA 44, 1994, 381-404.
65 Gatier, Inscriptions de Jordanie, p. 131, n. 132 f.
66 M. Piccirillo, ADAJ 24, 1980, 151f.
67 C. Clermont-Ganneau, La mosaïque de Madaba, RAO 2, 52-55.
68 R. Arav, L. Di Segni, A. Kloner, An Eighth Century Monastery near Jerusalem, LA 40, 1990, 313-320.
69 M. Piccirillo, LA 44, 1994, p. 528; Ibid, L. Di Segni, p. 531-533.
70 As written in the dedicatory inscription of the upper mosaic in the presbytery of the church of Saint Stephen at Umm al-Rasas (Piccirillo and Alliata, Umm al-Rasas - Mayfa'ah I, p. 242 f.).
71 Cf. supra.
72 La scuola dei mosaicisti di Madaba in Piccirillo, Chiese e mosaici di Madaba, 324-336, following B. Bagatti, Il significato dei musaici della scuola di Madaba (Transgiordania), RAC 33, 139-60.
73 Piccirillo, The activity of the Mosaicists of the Diocese of Madaba at the Time of Bishop Sergius in the Second Half of the Sixth Century AD, Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, V, 1995, 391-398.
74 Even though the Church of the Virign is built on top of a mansion already inhabited by Christians before the building of the church, as is shown by the three cities depicted in the mosaic of the Hippolytus Hall who all carry a cross in their right hand (Piccirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, fig. 10).
75 J.-T. Milik, La topographie de Jérusalem vers la fin de l'époque byzantine, MUSJ 37, 1960-61, 125-189.
76 M. Avi-Yonah, The Madaba Mosaic Map, Jerusalem 1954, 16-18.
77 See K.D. Politis' article.
|This contribution was first published in: The Madaba Map Centenary, Jerusalem 1999, 15-24.|